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Gun and Ammo Excise Taxes Violate the Second Amendment by Duncan Johnson Editor in Chief

Lawful gun buyer confronts California’s 11% firearms tax and federal excise taxes at a gun-store counter.
Special state and federal excise taxes drive up the cost of firearms and ammunition for lawful gun owners. Original illustration created for AmmoLand News using OpenAI image-generation

Anti-gun politicians who cannot ban firearms outright have found another way to attack the right to keep and bear arms: make exercising it progressively more expensive.

Second Amendment Foundation attorney and Director of Legal Research and Education Konstadinos T. Moros takes direct aim at that strategy in his second law review article, Excising the Second Amendment: Why Taxes Targeting Common Firearms Are Unconstitutional.

Applying the historical test required by New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen, Moros argues that taxes singling out firearms, ammunition, and related products have no well-established analogue in America’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.

His conclusion reaches beyond California’s openly hostile 11% “sin tax” and Colorado’s 6.5% gun tax. It also challenges the federal Pittman-Robertson excise tax and National Firearms Act taxes to the extent they apply to commonly owned arms protected by the Second Amendment.

California’s Gun Tax Shows the Real Burden

Moros distinguishes special gun taxes from ordinary sales taxes that apply generally to consumer goods. The constitutional problem arises when lawmakers target firearms and ammunition for an additional financial penalty simply because they disapprove of armed citizens.

California demonstrates how quickly those government-imposed costs accumulate.

Using Moros’s hypothetical, a handgun that would ordinarily sell for $500 in Los Angeles rises to $584 after the federal and California excise taxes are included. Add California’s $37.19 background-check charge and the city’s 9.75% sales tax, and the buyer pays $678.13 out the door.

A first-time buyer who also needs California’s firearm safety certificate pays $703.13, approximately 28% more than the handgun would cost with only the generally applicable sales tax.

That burden falls hardest on working Americans who need an affordable firearm for self-defense. Constitutional rights do not belong only to those wealthy enough to absorb every tax and fee a hostile legislature dreams up.

History Does Not Support Taxing Common Arms

Moros’s historical survey found no widespread American tradition before 1900 of imposing special per-unit taxes on commonly possessed firearms.

Founding-era militia laws frequently required citizens to own arms and sometimes protected those weapons from seizure for unpaid debts or taxes. Import tariffs existed, but they applied to broad categories of goods and were intended to encourage domestic arms production—not discourage Americans from acquiring firearms.

The relatively few 19th-century laws that specifically taxed weapons generally targeted bowie knives, pocket pistols, and other arms many people of the period considered “dangerous and unusual.” Those laws were concentrated primarily in Southern states, sometimes applied only when the weapons were carried, and ordinarily left the prevailing military and self-defense arms untaxed.

Some Reconstruction-era taxes were even used to price newly freed Black Americans out of gun ownership. Those racist regional outliers cannot establish the representative national tradition Bruen requires.

Pittman-Robertson Is Not Exempt

The paper’s treatment of the Pittman-Robertson excise tax may be uncomfortable for some gun owners because the money supports wildlife restoration, hunter education, and public shooting ranges. But a popular use of the revenue does not cure an unconstitutional tax.

If the federal government imposed a special tax on newspapers to fund public libraries, the worthy destination of the money would not erase the First Amendment violation. The same rule must apply to the Second Amendment.

Moros does not argue that firearms can never be subjected to ordinary taxation. His position is that the government cannot single out a constitutional right for an additional financial burden.

“A right that the government can price out of reach is not a right,” Moros said.

That is the heart of the issue. Legislatures that cannot constitutionally prohibit Americans from buying common firearms should not be permitted to pursue the same objective through discriminatory taxation. The Second Amendment says the right “shall not be infringed.” It does not contain an exception for infringements disguised as taxes.

About Duncan Johnson:

Duncan Johnson is a lifelong firearms enthusiast and unwavering defender of the Second Amendment—where “shall not be infringed” means exactly what it says. A graduate of George Mason University, he enjoys competing in local USPSA and multi-gun competitions whenever he’s not covering the latest in gun rights and firearm policy. Duncan is a regular contributor and editor-in-chief for AmmoLand News and is responsible for AmmoLand’s daily gun-rights reporting and industry coverage.Duncan Johnson

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Highland Park Lawsuit Subpoenas James Reeves, Treats Gun Reviews as ‘Advertising’by Duncan Johnson

Subpoena beside an AR-15-style rifle, notebook and microphone representing litigation reaching into firearms media.
James Reeves says the Highland Park lawsuit against Smith & Wesson has subpoenaed records concerning his firearm reviews and treats unpaid social-media content as advertising. Original illustration by AmmoLand News using OpenAI.

A lawsuit attempting to hold Smith & Wesson responsible for the crimes committed during the 2022 Highland Park parade shooting is now reaching beyond the firearm manufacturer and into the gun media.

Firearms reviewer and attorney James Reeves disclosed on X that he was served with a subpoena demanding years of records and analytics concerning Smith & Wesson and reviews he has produced.

The most troubling part for firearm journalists and content creators is how broadly Reeves says the subpoena defines advertising. According to Reeves, the plaintiffs’ definition includes “even unpaid organic social-media content.”

In other words, an independent review of a lawful firearm could be treated as corporate advertising merely because the reviewer received, tested, or discussed the product.

That is a dangerous theory with implications extending well beyond Smith & Wesson or the firearm industry.

 

Everytown Lawsuit Targets Smith & Wesson Marketing

The subpoena arises from Roberts v. Smith & Wesson Brands, Inc., No. 22-LA-00000487, pending in the Circuit Court for Illinois’s 19th Judicial Circuit in Lake County.

The case was filed by Keely and Jason Roberts, individually and on behalf of their twin sons. The family attended the July 4, 2022, parade in Highland Park when murderer Robert Crimo III fired 83 rounds from a rooftop, killing seven people and injuring dozens more.

The Roberts family suffered horrific injuries. According to the complaint, Keely Roberts was shot through the foot, one son was struck by shrapnel, and the other suffered catastrophic injuries that left him unable to walk.

Those facts are tragic. They do not, however, make Smith & Wesson or independent firearm reviewers responsible for the deliberate actions of a murderer.

The 78-page First Amended Complaint—signed by attorneys from Everytown Law and several private firms—names Smith & Wesson, Budsgunshop.com, Red Dot Arms, Crimo, and Crimo’s father as defendants.

The lawsuit advances 11 counts, including alleged violations of the Illinois Consumer Fraud and Deceptive Business Practices Act, deceptive trade practices, negligence, battery, assault, and emotional distress.

Its central theory against Smith & Wesson is that the company unfairly marketed the semiautomatic M&P15 to adolescent and young adult men through military imagery, appeals to excitement and adrenaline, first-person-shooter aesthetics, and social-media influencers.

The complaint repeatedly describes the M&P15 as an “assault rifle” and a “weapon of war.” It alleges that Smith & Wesson’s marketing influenced Crimo’s decision to select the rifle for his attack. That is an allegation, not a finding by the court.

Gun Media Named as Discovery Respondents

The complaint does more than attack Smith & Wesson’s advertising. It separately names Cybear Interactive, Watauga Group, and Clandestine Media Group as “respondents in discovery.” They are not listed as defendants.

The complaint contains only two paragraphs addressing these companies. It alleges that they may possess information “essential” to determining the parties or issues and asks that they answer interrogatories, produce records, and appear for depositions.

Reeves now says the plaintiffs have followed through by serving him with a subpoena seeking years of information concerning Smith & Wesson and his reviews.

AmmoLand reviewed the First Amended Complaint and Reeves’s public statement. The subpoena itself was not included with the documents reviewed, so its precise language and demands are being reported based on Reeves’s account.

According to Reeves, the requested material potentially reaches nearly any YouTube video discussing the M&P15 during the relevant period—even content produced independently and without payment from Smith & Wesson.

“If a manufacturer sends a journalist or creator a product to independently test, that does not magically transform the resulting review into advertising,” Reeves wrote.

That distinction should be obvious. A favorable firearm review does not become an advertisement merely because the manufacturer supplied a sample. Nor does a manufacturer control every conclusion, criticism, or demonstration published by an independent reviewer.

Treating journalism as advertising could allow plaintiffs to drag reporters and creators into litigation simply for covering firearms someone later misused.

Lawsuit Seeks Restrictions on Smith & Wesson Speech

The plaintiffs are seeking monetary damages, but they also want the Illinois court to impose sweeping restrictions on Smith & Wesson’s marketing.

The requested injunction would prohibit Smith & Wesson from targeting AR-15-style rifle marketing at children and young adults and from using military branding, imagery, or references. It would also require age gates on social media, warnings in advertisements, and disclosure whenever an advertisement features actors.

The complaint relies heavily on the claim that Smith & Wesson created a misleading association between its M&P rifles and the United States military. It further alleges that marketing rifles with military themes encourages civilians to engage in unlawful military, militia, or paramilitary activity.

The argument effectively treats ordinary images of lawful rifle use, tactical training, or military heritage as evidence of wrongdoing. Now, based on Reeves’s description of the subpoena, plaintiffs appear prepared to apply that same theory to independent firearm coverage.

Another Attempt to Plead Around the PLCAA

Reeves characterizes the case as another attempt to circumvent the federal Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act.

Congress enacted the PLCAA to prevent firearm manufacturers and sellers from being held civilly liable for harm caused by criminals who misuse lawful products. The law contains specific exceptions, including cases involving defective products, negligent entrustment, and knowing violations of laws governing firearm sales or marketing.

Gun-control organizations have increasingly attempted to fit their cases within those exceptions by framing traditional product advertising as consumer fraud or unlawful marketing.

Reeves compared the Roberts case to the litigation brought against Remington following the Sandy Hook murders. He also connected the subpoena to his work on proposed state legislation intended to clarify and reinforce protections against lawsuits based on third-party criminal misuse.

Regardless of how the Illinois court ultimately rules, the effort to classify independent reviews as advertising should concern every journalist and content creator.

The Second Amendment protects the right to keep and bear arms. The First Amendment protects the right to speak, publish, and report about them. Anti-gun litigants should not be permitted to evade one constitutional protection by attacking the other.

Reeves advised firearm-media professionals who receive similar subpoenas not to ignore them—and not to delete records. That is sound advice. A subpoena is a legal demand requiring a serious and timely response.

It is also a warning that the gun-control lobby’s campaign against the firearm industry is expanding. The target is no longer limited to manufacturers and dealers. The people who review, explain, and report on lawful firearms are now being pulled into the fight.

=============================================       For the Record my Blog “You will shoot your eye out.com has gotten ONE Penny from the Public or the Gun Industry. This is just a hobby of mine and should be protected by the 1st Amendment of the US Federal Constitution.

Also it should be noted that I am dirt poor! So to all the blood thirsty lawyers out there. I kind of doubt that you would make much money off of me! Grumpy

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Anti Civil Rights ideas & “Friends”

One Foundation is Spending Millions to Fund a Robust Network of Gun-Control Organizations

Exposing the Gun Control Industry’s Financiers: The Joyce Foundation

NSSF launched a new campaign this year called Gun Rights Insights. The goal is to drag the big money donors that fuel the gun control campaign into the sunlight. No more hiding behind veils and in corporate boardroom ivory towers.

Gun Rights Insights pulls back the curtain to show that the gun control agenda is nothing more than an astroturf agenda living off the funding and the backing of a few billionaires and progressive activist foundations flooding the field with waves of cash, up to $400 million annually.

With this money, they buy influence, media airtime and followers who buy into the false narrative that surrendering God-given rights will make America safer while they surround themselves with armed security in gated compounds.

Gun Rights Insights previously exposed antigun billionaire Michael Bloomberg, George Soros and Hollywood A-list celebrities.

Allow Gun Rights Insights to introduce…The Joyce Foundation.

Who They Are

The Joyce Foundation, based in Chicago, was founded by Beatrice Joyce Kean in 1948, the heiress of an Iowa lumber executive. They now pitch the foundation as a “private, nonpartisan philanthropy that invests in public policies and strategies to advance racial equity and economic mobility for the next generation in the Great Lakes region.”

Founder Kean passed away in 1972, leaving 90 percent of her estate — or $120 million — to the foundation, according to InfluenceWatch, a watchdog group run by the Capital Research Center. Soon after, The Joyce Foundation shifted focus to include government policies. Notably, they target gun control with a board comprised of anti-gun activists.

Barack Obama
By Pete Souza, Public Domain

Chief of among those steering The Joyce Foundation’s work was President Barack Obama, who was on the foundation’s board of directors from 1994–2002, before he entered public life. President Obama espoused strict gun control, calling for a ban on modern sporting rifles, America’s most-popular selling centerfire rifle. He also demanded a national firearm registry through a universal background check scheme.

Valerie Jarrett was a former senior advisor to President Obama and is currently the CEO of the Obama Foundation. She’s a former board member of The Joyce Foundation.

Valerie Jarrett
By US Department of Labor – Valerie Jerrett, Public Domain

Today, other members of his White House still serve on The Joyce Foundation’s board. Margot Rogers, was the Chief of Staff to the Obama administration’s U.S. Department of Education Secretary Arne Duncan. Today, Rogers is The Joyce Foundation’s Chair of the Board. The Vice Chair of the Board is filled by Tracey Maeres, who was on President Obama’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing. Cecilia Munoz served eight years in the Obama administration, including five years leading the White House Domestic Policy Council. Today, Munoz is a board member for the Joyce Foundation.

What They Do

The Joyce Foundation’s role in propelling gun control is through funding research that is used to prop up gun control policies.

“Not only has it bankrolled research, but Joyce brags that it has been instrumental in launching major gun control groups,” The Gun Rights Insights video explains. “Some of the groups include the Violence Policy Center, a group that has faced criticism for misrepresenting facts and inflating numbers to further its position on gun crime. The Educational Fund to Stop Gun Violence, since merged into the Johns Hopkins University Bloomberg School of Public Health, which call for restrictions on your right to carry as well as government permits to purchase firearms.

This is the same group, led by Josh Horwitz, that is the driving force to demand all firearms be equipped with unworkable microstamping technology, which is a really a slow-motion gun ban. But the Commerce Department’s National Institutes for Standards and Technology just told Congress there’s no evidence that the tech requirement would actually work.

The video continues, The group also criticizes locking up violent criminals who abuse guns saying, ‘Policing and incarceration have been the primary means to address gun violence in underserved communities and often these systems have been ineffective and perpetuated or exacerbated racial inequities.’”

That’s not all. The Joyce Foundation has also funded The New Venture Fund, a dark-money organization that has spawned dozens of left-wing advocacy campaigns. That group has been sued by Nebraska’s Attorney General Mike Hilgers for allegedly funneling foreign money into political campaigns.

How They Do It

The Joyce Foundation’s investment in gun control isn’t small. They’ve dropped nearly $100 million into the effort. That’s a drop in the bucket compared to their $1.3 billion in assets at its disposal. In 2024, The Joyce Foundation grew by $85.7 million. While that sum is staggering to most who don’t live in Chicago’s Gold Coast and Lincoln Park, it is still overshadowed by 2021, when The Joyce Foundation reported $150.4 million in revenue and another $114.8 million in 2022.

But that Chicago isn’t the same Windy City everyone else knows.

“The Joyce Foundation’s home city of Chicago is a posterchild of how gun control fails,” the Gun Rights Insights video explains.

That’s because Chicago, and Illinois, have some of the most restrictive gun control laws in the nation. That hasn’t brought crime to a screeching halt. That’s only robbed law-abiding citizens of their ability to defend themselves against violent criminals.

And The Joyce Foundation is bankrolling it.

 

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California Guts Its 3D Printer Gun Bill — On Purpose by TTAG News Contributor

California still wants to regulate 3D printers because people can use them to make firearms without the state’s blessing. Its vehicle is AB 2047, a bill originally designed to force printer makers to build in technology capable of detecting and blocking gun files.

But after a round of amendments, the bill has been substantially watered down. What started as a mandate is now more of a regulatory tripwire — one that may never actually be triggered.

From Mandate to Maybe

Introduced in February by Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (D-Orinda), AB 2047 originally would have required 3D printers sold or transferred in California to include state-approved “firearm blocking technology” — hardware or software designed to prevent the machine from printing files identified as firearms or firearm components.

The amended version doesn’t actually establish that standard.

Instead, beginning no later than July 1, 2027, the California Department of Justice would check quarterly to see whether ASTM International — the private standards organization involved in additive manufacturing, the industry’s term for 3D printing — has published standards for firearm-blocking technology.

If ASTM does, DOJ gets 24 months to develop guidance or regulations based on those standards. Per the bill, those rules would establish “minimum performance standards” necessary to safely, fairly and effectively implement the technology statewide.

And if ASTM hasn’t published anything by July 1, 2029?

The bill says DOJ “shall not be required to make any further determinations under this section.”

In other words, no ASTM standards, no California regulations under AB 2047.

At least for now.

Passing the Buck

The amended bill flips the original structure on its head.

Instead of California lawmakers deciding what firearm-blocking technology must do, they wait for an outside standards organization to establish the technical foundation. If that happens, DOJ gets to turn it into regulations.

Politically, that’s convenient.

Lawmakers get to vote for “doing something about ghost guns” without having to explain how the technology is actually supposed to work. If the eventual regulations are expensive, ineffective or technologically impossible, DOJ owns the details.

The legislators simply created the machine and walked away.

Legislating by handing the hard decisions to unelected regulators is an interesting move for a political class that spends so much time warning everyone about threats to democracy.

There’s Another Problem: Does This Technology Even Work?

That’s the bigger question hanging over AB 2047.

The blocking software envisioned by proposals like this would somehow have to recognize firearm-related geometry while allowing the countless ordinary objects that contain identical or similar shapes.

A printer doesn’t inherently know whether a particular hole, tube, spring, cavity or other geometry is destined to become part of a firearm, a household object, a prototype or something else entirely.

Even the federal Justice Department has gone looking to the 3D-printing industry for help with the problem.

Then there’s the First Amendment.

The California Senate’s own committee analysis raised questions about restricting what a printer can produce and the unsettled issue of whether computer code constitutes protected speech. California is already fighting on similar ground in its lawsuit involving websites that distribute 3D gun files.

The Electronic Frontier Foundation has also blasted the proposal, arguing that it would effectively build censorship into the printer itself.

That’s what makes AB 2047 more interesting than another California “ghost gun” bill. The state isn’t merely trying to regulate what someone manufactures. It’s attempting to regulate what a general-purpose machine is allowed to process.

The Clock Is Running

AB 2047 cleared the Assembly in May and has since moved through the Senate Judiciary and Public Safety committees.

It now faces the Senate floor — and a deadline.

The Legislature has until August 31 to pass bills this session. If the Senate approves AB 2047 without further amendments, it heads to Gov. Gavin Newsom. If senators change it again, it goes back to the Assembly for concurrence.

That doesn’t leave much time.

Then again, this is California and we’re talking about gun control. Finding time has rarely been the problem.

The Bottom Line

On its face, the amendments look like a win for 3D-printer manufacturers, hobbyists and anyone else who doesn’t particularly like the idea of government-approved software deciding what their machine is allowed to print.

But this isn’t a clean escape.

California hasn’t abandoned firearm-blocking technology. It has outsourced the trigger.

If ASTM never produces the standards, AB 2047 could amount to little more than bureaucratic homework. If ASTM does, however, California DOJ already has the legislative framework it needs to start turning those standards into rules.

The bill deserves to die, teeth filed down or not. A law that outsources its technical trigger to a private standards organization and leaves the actual requirements to regulators is questionable lawmaking before we even get to whether the underlying technology works.

But this is California, in the closing days of the legislative session, with a super majority that rarely lets a gun-control bill expire quietly.

The smart bet isn’t that AB 2047 dies.

It’s that California passes the framework now and waits for someone else to pull the trigger.

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A Quick Summary of Where the NFA Sits…Today

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Judge Upholds Connecticut Gun Ban Using The Wrong Century

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Former Canadian MP Charged in Firearm Case as Canada Tightens Gun Restrictions By Larry Keane

Canada’s government is forcing licensed and law-abiding firearm owners to surrender, export or permanently “deactivate” thousands of prohibited firearm models. Meanwhile, a criminal investigation involving former Member of Parliament (MP) Inky Mark shows Canadian authorities already possess extensive laws to pursue actual firearm trafficking and other illegal criminal conduct.

The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) arrested former MP Mark, 79, after executing search warrants on July 7, 2026, at his Dauphin, Manitoba, residence. Investigators reported seizing 439 firearms, ammunition, an antique cannon and more than C$300,000 in cash, which Mark claims is from the sale of Manitoba properties. Former MP Mark faces 12 Criminal Code charges, including firearm trafficking and possession of property obtained by crime.

He has been released from custody. Mark denies the charges but did tell the Canadian Broadcast Corporation that “he did something stupid” and admitted he transferred firearms to an individual he has known for 30 years.

Mark, also the former mayor of Dauphin, is outspoken and critical against Canada’s Liberal Party, which dominates politics north of the border. Mark wasn’t in Canada’s Parliament when the gun confiscation bill was voted upon.

Criminal Conduct Is Already Illegal

RCMP officials said investigators believe at least three of the seized firearms were illegally trafficked and one had an altered serial number. The investigation reportedly began after another Dauphin resident was charged with firearm offenses in the United States.

Those allegations are serious. But they do not expose some previously unknown gap in Canada’s gun laws.

Firearm trafficking, altering serial numbers, unauthorized possession and violating secure storage laws are already criminal offenses. RCMP officials acknowledged that Canadians may lawfully possess large firearm collections. The legal line is crossed by criminal conduct, not by the number of firearms a licensed citizen owns.

That distinction should guide public policy.

Confiscation Moves Forward

In the meantime, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s government is pressing ahead with the so-called “Assault-Style Firearms Compensation Program” covering more than 2,500 makes and models prohibited since May 2020. The entire scheme, begun under former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, has been a fiasco from the get-go.

The declaration period for law-abiding gun owners ended March 31. Collection, destruction, deactivation and compensation are already underway and are expected to continue through early fall. As of June 8, owners had declared just 68,717 firearms, including 2,520 in Manitoba.

Participation in the compensation program was technically voluntary. But compliance with the prohibitions is not. Owners who decline compensation must ultimately surrender their affected firearms without payment, export them or pay to have them permanently deactivated.

Facing measly compliance rates, the Canadian government extended its amnesty orders after the Supreme Court of Canada agreed to hear a challenge to the 2020 prohibitions. The amnesty will now expire 90 days after the court issues its decision, expected in 2027. The confiscation program, however, continues.

Target Criminals, Not Lawful Owners

Nothing alleged against former MP Mark suggests Canada needed to prohibit thousands of additional firearm models or confiscate lawfully acquired property to investigate him.

Police used existing laws directed at trafficking, unauthorized possession and altered serial numbers. That is precisely where enforcement belongs.

The courts will determine whether former MP Mark committed the offenses alleged against him.

The United States had their own brush with a state lawmaker convicted of trafficking firearms. California Democratic state Sen. Leland Yee was a “known champion of open government and gun control” according to an NPR report. The Brady Campaign named him to its Gun Violence Prevention Honor Roll for his bill to require unworkable microstamping. He was also part of the effort to require California’s “bullet button.”

Except he was an illegal firearm trafficker. Yee accepted over $42,000 from undercover FBI agents to provide up to $2.5 million in firearms from Muslim terrorists in The Philippines and smuggle them into the United States.

The disgraced state senator was convicted of felony racketeering charges for money laundering, political corruption, arms trafficking and bribery. He spent five years in prison.

Canada’s Mark faces his own day in court but policymakers there should nevertheless recognize the larger lesson already staring them in the face.

Public safety is not advanced by disarming hunters, recreational shooters and other licensed citizens who obey the law. It is advanced by identifying criminal conduct, prosecuting those responsible and leaving lawful firearm owners alone.

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Trump DOJ Moves To Voluntarily Dismiss Appeal In Post Office Firearms Ban Ruling by Mark Chesnut

As many TTAG readers likely remember, when a federal court ruled last September that the blanket ban on firearms in post offices was unconstitutional, the federal government tried to severely limit the scope of the ruling to those who were Second Amendment Foundation members when the suit was originally filed.

Plaintiffs pushed back — and the court sided with SAF

Plaintiffs responded by filing a brief critical of the Department of Justice effort to limit the ruling. SAF Executive Director Adam Kraut said at the time: “The critical thing to remember here is that the government is fighting tooth and nail to continue enforcing an unconstitutional law against as many people as possible.”

The court subsequently rejected the government’s effort to restrict that relief to only those who were members when the lawsuit was filed. Now, in a major reversal, the Trump DOJ has now asked to abandon its appeal in the case.

FPC v. Blanche started in 2024 — and now it’s over

Originally filed in June 2024, FPC v. Blanche, formerly FPC v. Bondi, challenged the ban on firearms carry in U.S. Post Offices and on postal property. SAF was joined in the case by the Firearms Policy Coalition and two private citizens.

SAF: The injunction is now permanent — the win stands

“This is huge news for SAF members,” Bill Sack, SAF senior director of legal operations, said in a news release announcing the DOJ move. “We now have finality and clarity that the hard-fought injunction we secured on behalf of our members, striking down the post office carry ban is the permanent outcome of the case.

The government appears to now agree, especially in light of the recent Wolford decision, that the ban on the lawful carry of firearms in post offices fails constitutional muster.”

Gottlieb: The DOJ saw the writing on the wall

Alan M. Gottlieb, SAF founder and executive vice president, said the government rightly “saw the writing on the wall” that it was not going to win the case.

“We certainly appreciate the DOJ recognizing the facts and voluntarily dismissing their appeal,” Gottlieb said. “With this injunction in hand, SAF has once again fulfilled its mission of defending, securing and restoring the Second Amendment rights for its members as well as the public at large.”

Combs: The DOJ deserves no credit for finally abandoning an unconstitutional law

Speaking for his organization, FPC President Brandon Combs said the Trump DOJ “spent far too long defending an immoral and unconstitutional ban that treated peaceable Americans like criminals.”

“Now, after losing on the merits and failing to gut the relief protecting our members, the government is finally waving the white flag. Good,” Combs said. “This victory protects every present and future member of the FPC Grassroots Army, and it proves once again that membership can have real, direct consequences for the exercise of constitutional rights.”

 

“But the government deserves no credit for finally abandoning its authoritarian effort to preserve an unconstitutional and immoral law. FPC will continue to Fight Forward until every unconstitutional gun ban is eliminated, full stop.”

The court called out the DOJ’s associational standing arguments

While gun-rights groups had battled hard against the federal government to get the ban overturned, until the recent reversal the DOJ argument that the scope should be limited was a lame one. And the court found the DOJ’s argument unconvincing.

“Despite its arguments, the Government has not provided, and the Court has not found, a case limiting injunctive relief to only those members of an association at the time a lawsuit is filed,” the court wrote in its ruling. “And while Plaintiffs could have sought class certification, they apparently also relied instead on associational standing — which the Government seemingly agrees they have in some form.”

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This Is Why Canadian Gun Owners Aren’t Complying With Gun Confiscation

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She Is Gun Control’s Worst Nightmare