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The Colt Anaconda .44 Rem. Mag. Revolver Is Back After being out of production for over 20 years, Colt’s double-action Anaconda revolver in .44 Remington Magnum is back.

The Colt Anaconda .44 Rem. Mag. Revolver Is Back

For the benefit of those who are not familiar with Colt’s Anaconda, it is the big-bore member of the company’s family of “snake” revolvers and was originally produced from 1990 to 1999. To touch on a bit more history, the first of Colt’s deadly serpents to emerge was the Cobra in .38 Special in 1950, and it remained in production for 31 years. It was followed by the Python in .357 Magnum (1955 to 2005). Next came the Diamondback in .38 Special (1966 to 1988). Rarest are the Viper in .38 Special, built during 1977 only, and the Boa in .357 Magnum made during 1985.

Leaping forward to 2017, Colt introduced a redesigned version of the Cobra, followed by the King Cobra in 2019 and the Python in 2020. The Anaconda is the big news for 2021, and like all handguns now produced by Colt, it is built at the historic Hartford, Connecticut, factory. Today’s Anaconda is basically an upsized version of the new Python, and internally, it has nothing in common with the old revolver of the same name.

The Colt Anaconda .44 Rem. Mag. Revolver Is Back

Turning out a retention screw at the front of the barrel rib allows the 0.130-inch-wide red ramp front sight to be removed for replacement.

A Real Handful

Built on Colt’s MM-size frame, the Anaconda is a handful, but its 59.4-ounce weight (for the 8.0-inch-barreled model) does a good job of dampening .44 Magnum recoil. Open sights consist of a fully adjustable leaf with a 0.130-inch notch at the rear and a 0.130-inch-wide ramped blade with red insert up front. Switching out the front sight for another style is as easy as turning out a small retention screw at the front of the barrel rib.

Barrel length options are 6.0 and 8.0 inches, and my test gun had the 8.0-inch barrel. From 0.835 inch in diameter at the receiver, the barrel tapers to 0.825 inch at the muzzle, where it has a recessed crown. The barrel is fairly heavy, and the added weights of a ventilated rib along with a full-length underlug minimize muzzle rise when firing heavy loads. My Lyman Digital Borecam revealed extremely smooth six-groove, left-hand rifling. The twist rate is 1:20.

The topstrap of the frame is drilled and tapped for mounting a Picatinny rail available from Colt. Two holes are in permanent view, and a third is exposed when the rear sight is removed. Detaching the sight is easy. Using a small screwdriver, remove the elevation screw and its spring, push out the horizontal pin with a 2.5mm punch, and the job is done. When switching back to the open sight, use a small plastic mallet to gently drive the pin back into position.

 

The Colt Anaconda .44 Rem. Mag. Revolver Is Back

The reintroduced .44 Magnum Anaconda is being offered with 6.0- and 8.0-inch barrels. (Mark Fingar photo)

The optic rail is held in place by the three screws, while the recoil load is handled by contact of a thick integral shoulder at the bottom of the rail with a vertical flat machined into the frame for rear-sight clearance. When accuracy testing the Anaconda at 100 yards from an MTM K-Zone handgun rest, I used a Nikon Force XR 2.5-8X handgun scope attached to the rail with three rings from Weigand Combat Handguns. That put fully loaded weight at 5.0 pounds. Loctite 248 applied to the threads of all screws was allowed to dry for a week prior to the gun being shot. Close to 200 rounds of full-power rounds were fired, and the mounting system never loosened or budged.

As revolvers in .44 Magnum go, the six-round cylinder of the Anaconda is uncommonly long at 1.905 inches for a considerable increase in chamber length. In comparison, the cylinders of the Ruger Super Redhawk and Smith & Wesson Model 29 are 1.750 inches long. The cylinder of the Model 29 is recessed for cartridge rims, and that puts actual chamber length a bit shorter than for the Super Redhawk. Whether or not any of this really matters is dependent on the overall cartridge length desired. SAAMI maximum for the .44 Magnum is 1.610 inches, and since factory ammo as well as most handloads listed in various reloading manuals are held within that, it matters not to most shooters.

The Colt Anaconda .44 Rem. Mag. Revolver Is Back

Detaching the Anaconda’s rear sight allows an optional optics rail to be installed via three drilled and tapped holes in the topstrap.

On the other hand, longer chambers become more important when ammo loaded with uncommonly heavy cast bullets is used. Examples in the .44 Magnum section of Hodgdon’s Annual Manual are cartridge lengths of 1.710 inches for a 355-grain cast bullet and 1.730 inches for those weighing 325 and 330 grains. The Rim Rock 335-grain bullet I shot in the Anaconda was loaded to a cartridge length of 1.730 inches.

With those cartridges in the chambers of the three guns, the distance from bullet nose to front of cylinder is 0.234 inch for the Anaconda, 0.022 inch for the Model 29, and 0.077 inch for the Super Redhawk. While the three loads will fire in those guns, should recoil cause a bullet to jump its roll crimp and creep forward, it will have much farther to travel in the Anaconda before blocking cylinder rotation.

I hasten to add that lighter bullets are capable of handling most of the game taken by most handgun hunters, but when an enraged bear is headed your way and no other option remains, the increased penetration and huge energy delivery of a long, heavy, hard-cast bullet is good to have. And for those who believe increasing free-travel of lighter bullets from case to barrel engagement harms the accuracy of a revolver, I will point out that when fired from the Anaconda, the handload carrying the stubby Hornady 240-grain XTP averaged just 3.14 inches at 100 yards.

The Colt Anaconda .44 Rem. Mag. Revolver Is Back

With the Hogue rubber grip removed, Colt’s relatively new LL2 Linear Leaf Trigger System’s leaf mainspring is visible. The original Anaconda had a coil-type mainspring.

Uniform, Consistent, Accurate

With diameters ranging from 0.4310 inch to 0.4314 inch, the new Anaconda’s chamber throats were quite uniform. Cylinder gap at lockup was a snug 0.005 inch. The cylinder had slight amounts of rotational looseness and endshake, but considering the impressive accuracy of the gun, neither was enough to matter. Chamber wall thickness is 0.120 inch.

An extractor star travel of 0.970 inch proved to be plenty long for sending spent .44 Magnum cases flying from heavily fouled chambers.

The transfer bar safety system of the Anaconda requires a frame-mounted firing pin. The gun also has what is described by Colt as an LL2 Linear Leaf Trigger System. Said another way, its mainspring is the leaf-type rather than the coil-type. The single-action pull was quite smooth with no creep and only a trace of overtravel, but its average weight on my Lyman digital scale was a bit heavy at 5.75 pounds.

The double-action trigger pull was a happier story, as it was plenty smooth and light enough for accurate rapid-fire shooting. On a rapidly incoming grizzly (which looked a lot like paper plates stapled to wooden stakes at five, 15, and 25 yards), I began with a two-handed hold, raised the Anaconda (wearing its factory open sights), and rapid-fired two rounds at each target, beginning at 25 yards and ending at five yards.

This was repeated five times using handloads with the Rim Rock 335-grain bullet, and average elapsed time for the runs was 5.4 seconds. The 10-shot group at 25 yards measured just over 5.0 inches, and due to closer distances, groups on the other plates were considerably smaller. Counting my first-shot reaction time, a real grizzly charging from 50 yards would have been on me after only two, maybe three shots, so the deadliest blow possible from each bullet would be important. Common sense tells us that uncommonly heavy bullets deliver the goods.

The Colt Anaconda .44 Rem. Mag. Revolver Is Back

Uncommonly long chambers in the Anaconda’s cylinder allows loading handloads to an overall cartridge length too long for other .44 Magnum revolvers, but they didn’t appear to affect accuracy with cartridges of shorter overall lengths.

A clockwise-revolving cylinder originated at Colt with percussion revolvers of the 1800s, and the Anaconda follows that tradition. Cylinder rotation is just the opposite for most other revolvers of American design, including those made by Smith & Wesson. Another obvious difference is in their cylinder latches. To swing out the cylinder, you pull on the Colt latch and push on the S&W latch. Through the years, I have shot many more S&Ws than Colts, yet when shooting the Anaconda, pulling rather than pushing presented no problem. But then, I shoot quail in the morning with a side-by-side shotgun with a single trigger and switch to one with two triggers for the afternoon hunt without giving the difference a single thought.

The original Anaconda had checkered wooden grip panels, but the new version has a Hogue one-piece rubber grip with finger grooves. As is often the case these days, the new is not as pretty as the old, but it does make the gun more comfortable to shoot. The trigger guard is plenty roomy for shooting with gloves during cold weather.

Today’s 8.0-inch-barreled Anaconda is an excellent choice for hunting (see “Galco Kodiak and Kodiak Hunter Shoulder Holsters” for more on my carry rig), but I would opt for the slightly more compact 6.0-inch barrel for camping, hiking, and fishing in bear country. The original was available with a 4.0-inch barrel, and while it would likely sell quite well today, there’s no official word from Colt on that. The same goes for an Anaconda in .45 Colt.

Anaconda Specifications

  • Manufacturer: Colt’s Mfg. Co. LLC, colt.com
  • Type: Double-action revolver
  • Caliber: .44 Magnum/.44 Special
  • Cylinder Capacity: 6 rounds
  • Barrel: 6.0, 8.0 in. (as tested)
  • Overall Length:  15.0 in. (8.0-in. barrel)
  • Width: 1.76 in.
  • Height: 6.75 in.
  • Weight, Empty: 59.4 oz. (8.0-in. barrel)
  • Grips: Hogue rubber
  • Finish: Semi-bright stainless steel
  • Sights: Fully adjustable rear, red ramp front
  • Trigger: 5.75-lb. single-action pull (as tested)
  • MSRP: $1,499
The Colt Anaconda .44 Rem. Mag. Revolver Is Back

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Prevention Duty We need to get better at identifying and stopping mentally disturbed individuals before they perpetrate tragedies. by Hannah E. Meyers

On Sunday, President Biden told a large assembly: “We must all work together to address the hate that remains a stain on the soul of America. . . . Our hearts are heavy once again, but the resolve must never, ever waver.”

He was responding, of course, to the mass shooting at the Tops Friendly Markets grocery store in Buffalo, New York, which left ten people dead and three injured.

The alleged shooter, 18-year-old Payton Gendron, drove several hours from his home in Conklin, New York, to a neighborhood and a market where shoppers were, in his estimation, most likely to be black. He was wearing tactical gear and armed with the Bushmaster XM-15 assault rifle he had bought legally in Endicott, New York, with the intention—reportedly detailed in his racist manifesto—to use it to shoot blacks.

Hate is not, as Biden labels it, an abstract stain on the soul of America. It is an idea that festers in the minds of violent people. It is our duty to get better at identifying and stopping these individuals before they hurt others.

And we can get better at identifying and stopping them.

Gendron had been actively ranting online about his hatred for blacks. He took inspiration from racist conspiracy theories on online message boards and explicitly identified himself as a fascist, white supremacist, racist, and anti-Semite. On the Internet, he had detailed plans to carry out a shooting targeting blacks similar to the one he wound up perpetrating in Buffalo.

Similarly, Frank James, the black man who traveled to New York from Philadelphia last month to shoot up ten passengers on a rush hour subway, had been raging online for a decade about blacks, whites, Latinos, and Jews. He also fumed against New York mayor Eric Adams and the city’s subway system and alluded to leaving Philadelphia to take action. And Robert Gregory Bowers had written colorfully about his intention to attack Jews (and his murderous hatred for blacks) before driving to Pittsburgh’s Tree of Life Synagogue in 2018 and massacring 11 worshippers.

We should be devoting more resources both to intelligence-gathering about action-oriented violent rhetoric online and to the manpower needed to follow up on all such threats. These types of investigations, occurring in both federal and local agencies, are resource- and training-intensive.

Violently manifested hate is definitely growing. Anti-Semitic incidents broke records in 2021, and anti-Asian hate crimes have broken records for the past two years. In New York City, the country’s epicenter for hate crimes (thanks, in part, to its demographic diversity), crimes against blacks and gay men have doubled since last year. Who perpetrates these crimes? Whites, blacks, Latinos—it’s a sickness that crosses all racial and ethnic boundaries.

One commonality among attackers is a high degree of mental illness. As announced this month at a New York City Council hearing, police designated nearly half of all hate-crime arrestees as emotionally disturbed. The NYPD admitted that it wasn’t doing enough to track whether these suspects receive treatment or to coordinate with mental-health professionals.

High-risk mental illness was a known issue for Gendron, whom state police brought to a hospital last June after he wrote in high school about wanting to shoot people. The hospital released him a day and a half later. This story is tragically familiar. In 2017, Martial Simon reportedly “told a psychiatrist at the state-run Manhattan Psychiatric Center that it was just a matter of time before he pushed a woman to the train tracks.” This past January, he pushed Deloitte executive Michelle Go to her death from a Times Square subway platform.

In addition to these gaps in psychiatric oversight for individuals who have voiced an intention of committing violence, states including New York have reduced in-patient psychiatric beds dramatically. Sweeping criminal-justice reforms have hampered judges’ ability to induce unbalanced offenders into psychiatric care as a means of avoiding jail time.

Policymakers at all levels need to prioritize closing these gaps between police, prosecutors, and psychiatric practitioners and ensuring that sufficient spaces are available for the small but critical segment of the population that requires long-term supervision. As the president said, our hearts are heavy. Now let’s use our heads.

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Execute the Buffalo Shooter The highest punishment sends a message to those deranged few who will admire his actions. by Charles Fain Lehman

On Saturday, 18-year-old Payton Gendron opened fire at a Tops Friendly Markets in the predominantly black Kingsley neighborhood of Buffalo, New York. Over the course of his ten-minute rampage, Gendron murdered ten people and injured another three; he livestreamed the massacre on the platform Twitch. The horrific incident is being investigated as a hate crime, owing in part to a manifesto in which Gendron allegedly justifies the attack as a defense of the white majority against “replacement” by blacks and Jews.

The shooting has already been absorbed into the culture war. Commentators on the left have been quick to argue that the Buffalo massacre is simply more evidence of white supremacy’s grip on the Republican Party, and on American society as a whole. Some on the right mutter about the manifesto’s stranger sections, insinuating that the whole thing is some sort of FBI conspiracy. These efforts misappropriate, or wholly obscure, the bare meaning of these murders. Our response to the Buffalo mass shooting should be that a monster committed a heinous and indefensible act, and that justice demands we hold him to final account. Try him, convict him, and put him to death.

Doing so would acknowledge the basic mandates of morality. Certain offenses are so reprehensible as to be unforgiveable. To fail to answer a vicious, hate-motivated rampage with anything but death is to deny the requirements of retribution.

Just as important, executing Gendron sends a message to those deranged few who will admire his actions: violently enacting your bigotry is intolerable to our society. As I have argued, hate-crime laws can be seen as a set of guard rails, delimiting certain criminal behavior as incompatible with shared values of civic tolerance and respect for one’s fellow citizens. When those laws are egregiously violated, capital punishment can restore the moral order that the law exists to defend.

Punishing Gendron may seem so obvious as to not be worth mentioning. But the fixation on the vulgar political significance of his atrocity reveals our collective inability to think in such stark moral terms. In particular, taking the killer as mere symbol of white America’s depravity waives his responsibility for his actions. It reinforces the therapeutic morality, undergirding most criminal-justice progressivism, that sees brutal criminals as mere products of their environment, rather than freely choosing individuals culpable for their actions. Punishment, the philosopher Herbert Morris once argued, is the way that we treat wrongdoers as fully human, by acknowledging them as morally responsible agents. The moral drama of retribution should therefore be at the center of our analysis.

Politics does play a role here. Capital punishment is, for no particularly good reason, inoperative in New York State. Several candidates for governor have already called for its return in response to the shooting; others might join them. Gendron can also be charged under federal hate-crime and homicide laws carrying a possible penalty of death, just as Emmanuel AME church shooter Dylann Roof was. But doing so would require the Biden administration to undo its death penalty moratorium. If Merrick Garland’s Department of Justice is really serious about combatting hate crimes, then it will proceed accordingly.

Outrage is a subject of much public debate these days: whose outrage is appropriate, whose is not, and when outrage ought to play a role in decision-making. In the case of horrific crimes like Saturday’s shooting, however, outrage is a natural moral emotion that points us to a just end. Only a hard heart can look upon the brutal deaths of ten people and not feel it. Putting Payton Gendron to death is simply the state’s enactment of the horror and revulsion that so many feel. Failing to do so would be a rejection of public moral sense and decency.